Tag: daily editorials

Title: ​ Shielding Adani: On the U.S. indictment, the Indian government’s stand

It will be a matter of everlasting shame if there is no domestic investigation by Indian agencies into allegations by the U.S. Department of Justice that billionaire businessman Gautam Adani and his associates offered bribes to officials in more than one State. Federal prosecutors have filed their indictment based on perceived violations of U.S. laws that prohibit corrupt transactions with foreign entities. India will have to order its own probe in terms of domestic anti-corruption law. So far, especially following revelations by Hindenburg Research, a U.S.-based short-seller, the Modi regime has shown a marked reluctance to countenance the idea of any wrongdoing by the Adani Group. The BJP has been putting up a stout defence of the group as though its political interests are inseparable from Mr. Adani’s corporate interests. The Union government has so far remained impervious to entreaties from the Opposition for a joint parliamentary committee probe into the allegations, which range from manipulation of share prices, non-disclosure of related party transactions, round-tripping of funds and even regulatory capture. Sporadic and possibly perfunctory probes by some agencies have yielded little by way of action. However, the Supreme Court of India found the outcome of investigations by the market regulator, the Securities and Exchange Board of India, credible enough to reject a demand for handing the Adani probe to an independent agency.

Several State governments, most notably Andhra Pradesh, have now been named in the overseas indictment pertaining to the supply of solar power from Adani Green and Azure Power Global Ltd., the companies at the centre of the storm. The alleged amount offered as bribes amounted to ₹2,029 crore ($265 million), of which ₹1,750 crore was meant for a ‘foreign official’ in Andhra Pradesh. The YSR Congress Party, which was in power in A.P. at the relevant time, and the Tamil Nadu government, have denied any link with the Adani Group, maintaining that their deals were with the SECI. The indictment, however, talks of internal messages among the defendants about how “the discoms are being motivated”. Instead of taking potshots at the non-BJP parties that ran these State governments at the relevant time, the Centre should shed its reluctance to investigate the Adani Group. The fortunes of Mr. Adani, counted as one of the world’s richest, may now see a steep spiral, as not only have shares of his companies crashed but also countries that have entered investments from his conglomerate may turn their backs on him. However, this is not an issue about one tycoon suffering a setback due to developments beyond the control of his political patrons. It is about how far a government can be seen as shielding an individual.

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Title: ​ ​ Ending the tragedy: On the Manipur crisis, a solution

The adage “Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results” holds true for Manipur. It has been more than a year and a half since ethnic violence erupted between the Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities in the State. The initial clashes resulted in scores of deaths, and, since then, parts of the State, many of which are under the effective control of security forces, have witnessed sporadic but intense incidents of violence. Despite this, there has been little effort toward peace or reconciliation. Even areas such as Jiribam, which initially escaped the violence, are now engulfed in conflict, as recent events have shown. The situation in Manipur is no longer just about identifying who triggered the violence or what administrative steps are needed to stop it. The violence has spiralled to the point where ethnic divisions have become entrenched in the social fabric of the State. Every act of violence now leads to calls for retribution against entire communities, from both the Meitei and Kuki-Zo sides. Armed non-state actors, some of whom are openly or covertly supported by elected representatives, seem to control the situation, while civil society groups are marginalised.

This descent into chaos in one of India’s most culturally rich and diverse border States has unfolded rapidly under the watch of an incompetent and indifferent government, which has failed to take responsibility or implement any meaningful solutions. Manipur Chief Minister N. Biren Singh and his cabinet have long lost credibility due to their mishandling of the crisis. The Union government, too, shares the blame for allowing the situation to persist. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has remained largely silent on the issue, while Union Home Minister Amit Shah has avoided taking any decisive action to address the crisis, presumably to avoid upsetting the political balance in the State. The role of security forces, while important, cannot be the sole solution to an ethnic conflict of this nature. What is required is political will and the ability to advance meaningful dialogue that can bring the community representatives closer to finding a compromise. The Union government’s refusal to even consider a change in leadership, as suggested by the Bharatiya Janata Party’s ally, the National People’s Party (NPP), has only allowed the situation to fester. The NPP’s withdrawal of support from the government signals a growing recognition that the current leadership is not capable of addressing the crisis. It is now clear that a leadership change is necessary to chart a new course for Manipur. A political solution can be based only on consensus and compromise and these are impossible with a government headed by a partisan politician who is hoping to benefit from a polarisation of people on communal lines.

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Title: ​ Turning tide: On the export rebound

From a reasonably healthy show at the onset of this financial year, India’s goods exports had stumbled sharply in the second quarter, shrinking an average 5.8% over the first two months and rising a mere 0.5% in September. With half the year gone by, exports were up just 1%. In this backdrop, the 17.25% surge in merchandise shipments to overseas markets through October is a positive surprise, with the year’s second-highest tally of $39.2 billion. Trade mandarins have attributed the uptick to stronger demand for the Christmas season in developed markets. If this festive demand holds, at least the next couple of months should see healthy numbers. With services exports rising 14.6% by September, official hopes of cumulative exports through 2024-25 crossing a record $800 billion may yet be attained. Non-petroleum exports led the way in October with a 25.6% rise, and such shipments have now hit the highest ever tally for the first seven months of a year, at $211.3 billion.

The petroleum story, however, is starkly different and a tad puzzling. India’s oil imports rose 13.2% in October to $18.3 billion (almost 46.4% over September), while exports tanked for the fifth straight month, by over 22% to $4.6 billion, the lowest in almost three years. The oil trade deficit has hit a record $13.7 billion. While one can attribute the export slide to significantly lower global oil prices vis-à-vis last year, the same should have held true at least partly for the import bill as well, even if higher domestic demand is factored in. The oil influx spike has also lifted the overall import bill to a fresh high of $66.3 billion, breaking this August’s tally of $64.3 billion, which was fuelled by gold imports. Over the past three months, the trade deficit has widened to its second- and third-highest level. While gold imports are likely to stay high till the wedding season ends, oil trends and the widening import bill warrant closer monitoring even if the foreign exchange reserves situation is comfortable, and adequate to cover about a year’s imports. The World Trade Organization has pegged global trade growth at 3% in 2025, relative to a 2.7% estimate for this year. Apart from the slowdown in China and festering conflicts around the world, the biggest fly in the ointment for all such hopes is likely to be the incoming United States administration, with Donald Trump expected to prioritise the elevation of import tariffs and sops for domestic production. India must avoid any policy gestures such as the updated laptop import management system — it is in the works, with possible curbs — that could draw the U.S. government’s focus away from Mr. Trump’s primary trade target — China.

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Title: ​ Prison tag: On a viable means of decongesting prisons

The suggestion for the introduction of electronic tracking of prisoners granted parole or furlough may merit consideration as a viable means of decongesting prisons. The idea of having a pilot programme to make undertrials who pose low or moderate risk wear devices that will track and restrict their movements has been mooted in a research report of the Supreme Court of India’s Centre for Research and Planning. This is not the first time the use of electronic tracking has been considered, though. The Model Prisons and Correctional Services Act, 2023, contains a provision that says “prisoners may be granted prison leave on the condition of their willingness to wear electronic tracking devices” so that their movement and activities may be monitored. It speaks of cancelling the leave in case of any violation. The study points out that Odisha was the first State to propose the use of tamper-proof electronic trackers on undertrials accused of non-heinous offences to reduce congestion in jails. Such a measure would extend the concept to grant of bail. However, it also points out correctly that there are no guidelines or minimum standards for when and how the technology can be deployed without violating the prisoners’ rights. The use of technology for tracking the movement of those allowed to leave prison on some conditions does raise such concerns.

The Court, earlier this year, disapproved of imposing bail conditions that would infringe their right to privacy of the accused. The context in that case was a bail condition that the accused should pin his location on Google Maps and share it with the investigating officer. However, it ought not to mean that electronic tagging should be rejected out of hand. A Parliamentary Standing Committee had approved of cost-effective devices being used with the consent of the accused, citing the possible gains of avoiding rights violation, reducing administrative costs and decongesting prisons. Rising occupancy in prisons has been a matter of concern in the last few years. Official statistics put the number of prisoners in the country’s jails at 5,73,220 on December 31, 2022, amounting to 131.4% of the total capacity. Therefore, any move that will reduce the occupancy, including the use of tracking technology, ought to be a welcome measure. Several jurisdictions in the world deploy devices to track the movement of certain categories of offenders. It would be logical to use them to ensure that prisoners released recently do not approach their victims again or enter locations associated with their crimes. If the trackers were to be compact in terms of size and visibility, it could also make the beneficiaries of bail shed their reluctance to wear them for fear of stigmatisation.

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Title: ​ ​ This time for Africa: On India, Africa and the Global South

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Nigeria, and his ongoing tours to Brazil, for the G-20, and Guyana, are important not only for ties with each of these countries but also significant as a statement on India’s commitment to the Global South. In the Abuja visit, the first after then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s 2007 visit, where the two countries declared a Strategic Partnership, Mr. Modi and Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu reaffirmed ties in areas including defence cooperation. Mr. Modi identified terrorism, separatism, piracy and drug trafficking as challenges for the two countries to work together on. Receiving Nigeria’s ‘the Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger’, Mr. Modi, the second foreign dignitary to receive the distinction, dedicated the award to the people of India and to the ‘long-standing, historical friendship between India and Nigeria’. India was among the countries that sent teachers and doctors to Nigeria after its independence from Britain in 1960. The Indian community is over 60,000-strong — India’s largest diaspora in West Africa, and a bridge builder. The two countries have strong economic ties in a region where India has often been faulted for not doing more: about 200 Indian companies have invested about $27 billion, in pharma, health care, agriculture and energy, where both countries share low-cost technologies and experiences as they tackle similar chronic issues of poverty, pollution and population density. Nigeria is among the top African economies in GDP. It is now a BRICS partner country. The conversations will continue, as both leaders travelled to Rio De Janeiro for the G-20 in Brazil, and where the African Union was inducted as a G-20 member in 2023.

While India’s voluble commitment to the Global South and South-South cooperation has been appreciated, particularly in Africa, it also has been seen as short on follow-through at times. Its leadership of the third iteration of “Voice of the Global South” (VoGS) conference this year has seen lack-lustre participation. India’s plans to use the platform to feed into the G-20 processes may find more engagement if it allows the G-20 host each year to take over the hosting of the VoGS summit. The India-Africa Forum summit, last held in 2015, is also overdue, and it is hoped that New Delhi moves, as the Foreign Secretary promised at a briefing on Mr. Modi’s visit, to hold it early next year. As India shores up ties across the Southern hemisphere, and builds common cause with countries that are important when it comes to the debate over global governance, food, energy and health security, it must be seen to match its ideals with nimble footwork and a decided presence across the developing world, as is evidenced by the Prime Minister’s travels this week.

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Title: ​ ​ Saving doctors: On medical professionals, their safety 

Violence, like poetry, is often the spontaneous overflow of powerful feelings; but, unlike poetry, it is always ugly and, in most cases, self-destructive. While violence against members of the medical community is not new, more recently, cases have been rising with an eerie regularity. The recent case from Tamil Nadu where a doctor was stabbed multiple times by a patient’s relative was dastardly and chilling. Balaji Jegannathan, an oncologist at the State-run Kalaignar Centenary Super Specialty Hospital (KCSSH), was stabbed by Vignesh, a young man whose mother was undergoing treatment for Hodgkin lymphoma, in the hospital. Contrary to initial media reports that the attack was perpetrated in a fit of rage, the fact that Vignesh brought a knife to a hospital makes it clear that it was premeditated. Notably, the patient, his mother, and her family had been counselled about the possible side effects of the chemotherapy that she was undergoing. She had also been admitted in a couple of private hospitals, but Vignesh had discharged her against medical advice, bringing her back to the KCSSH. He was furious about the treatment given to his mother, since her lungs had been affected as a result of the chemotherapy, and lashed out at the doctor, holding him responsible for his mother’s suffering. The life of Dr. Balaji, who was on blood thinners for a previous cardiac condition, was saved only because he was in a super specialty medical institution where top surgeons serve, and therefore with access to the best care.

Violence on health-care professionals is as abhorrent as is negligenceon their part. In a question of life and death, inflamed passions are possible, but it cannot be tolerated when frustration and fear of an impending decline in health or death lead to acts of violence against those who implement the treatment. It is important for doctors to display a good bedside manner, explaining to the patients and their family about the possible outcomes of treating a disease. In this case, notably, even this was communicated at all hospitals the patient had been in. While doctors struck work for a day in protest in the State, memories of the recent R.G. Kar rape and murder of a young doctor have compounded unrest among them. While human emotions under stress fall in the zone of the unpredictable, the presence of deterrence in health-care institutions — baggage scanners, CCTV monitoring, security checks, the obvious presence of security personnel — is the only way of ensuring that doctors remain safe.

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Title: ​ ​Manipur’s misery: On the need for the Centre to act

Ten armed militants were killed in an encounter with the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and the police on Monday (November 11, 2024) in Manipur’s Jiribam district, as ethnic conflict continues to pulverise the State. Officials said the deaths took place in retaliatory firing after the militia attacked security personnel and internally displaced people sheltered in the vicinity. Women, children and the elderly have been facing the brunt of the violence that began in May 2023. More than 250 people have been killed and 60,000 displaced since the conflict between Meitei and Kuki-Zo communities began. Three women and three children, including an eight-month-old infant, were allegedly abducted and two elderly persons were burnt to death on Monday (November 11, 2024) in Jiribam. The victims were among the 13 Meitei people who were already displaced from their homes in June. Two of the 10 weapons found at the encounter site had been looted from the police, an indication of the serious governance crisis in the State. The Kuki Students’ Organisation has called for ‘non-cooperation’ with the CRPF, claiming that the militia men were on a security patrol.

The Bharatiya Janata Party State government led by Chief Minister N. Biren Singh has been unable to quell the violence or reassure the Kuki communities that consider him to be partisan. That leaves the entire responsibility of managing the conflict on the shoulders of the Centre. In October, the Ministry of Home Affairs organised a meeting with political representatives of both the Kuki and Meitei communities but no meaningful progress towards peace could be achieved. Kuki outfits are demanding the creation of a Union Territory with legislature which will require a division of Manipur. Ethnic relations in India’s northeast are extremely complex, and violence, once it erupts, can continue for a long spell. Kuki representatives continue to express hope in intervention by the Centre to resolve the conflict and that is an opportunity which the Centre must vigorously utilise. Central police forces and the Indian Army are also largely trusted by the Kuki, notwithstanding the incident involving the CRPF this week. In a porous border region populated by numerous armed militia groups, policing alone cannot restore peace and order. A lasting end to the violence can be brought about only through a political arrangement of accommodation and the coexistence of communities. Only the Centre has the resources and the capacity to attempt that. The fresh surge in violence is a setback, but the Centre must step up its efforts to nudge the Meitei and the Kuki communities towards peace.

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Title: ​ Complicit: On India and the U.S and Canada cases

The U.S. Department of Justice’s second indictment against an Indian intelligence and paramilitary officer, in the alleged plot to kill American-Khalistani activist Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, indicates another serious turn in the case that has cast a long shadow over India-U.S. ties. The indictment against Vikash Yadav was released publicly along with an arrest warrant and his listing on the FBI’s database of “most wanted” — the first time that an Indian official has been so marked out. The developments come just after a high-level Indian security delegation investigating the matter travelled to the U.S., and the U.S. State Department expressed “satisfaction” with India’s cooperation. There is cause for concern now: the second indictment that supersedes the one against jailed businessman Nikhil Gupta, repeats linkages to the Canadian case of the 2023 killing of Canadian-Khalistani activist Hardeep Nijjar. It seems no coincidence that the indictment is timed with the Canadian expulsion of Indian diplomats, sparking a diplomatic storm and also statements by the “Five Eyes” urging India to cooperate in the investigation with Canada. That these statements reek of a double standard, given that these countries have a record on transnational killings, must not stop India from upholding the law. But this surely raises questions about whether these allies are reliable as India’s closest strategic partners.

New Delhi must not delude itself and must proceed on the assumption that the cases in the U.S. and Canada are being linked by their investigating agencies. The stark difference in the Modi government’s outraged denial of the Canadian charges while providing a sympathetic ear for the American charges may prove untenable as the trial in the U.S. progresses. It is in India’s interest to clarify whether it believes Mr. Yadav was a “rogue” agent or was carrying out orders from senior officials, when he allegedly promised “2-3” contract killings a month against targeted members of the diaspora. While the External Affairs Ministry has since confirmed that he “no longer works for the government”, the indictment claims that he was employed by India’s Cabinet Secretariat, under which the R&AW is run. Whether the truth lies in incompetence or complicity, the image of the government’s intelligence and national security operations is dimmed. If the government proceeds to prosecute him or turn him over to U.S. agencies, it must also consider the impact on the morale of other operatives essaying future operations. Above all, the government must be more transparent about its policy on transnational killings. If it does not allow such operations, and it should not, then it is time for a more detailed investigation into its internal processes as well as a more realistic evaluation of its diplomatic relations.

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Title: ​ Fate of nations: On the 2024 Economics Nobel

The 2024 economics Nobel prize is an important one as it highlights what really matters at the end of the day for the long-term economic success of any country. U.S. economists Daron Acemoğlu, Simon Johnson and James A. Robinson were rewarded for their work on how the quality of institutions in a country can lead it either down the path of economic prosperity or abject poverty. Their study was on the effects of colonialism on the quality of institutions and post-colonial growth of various countries. They found that countries with institutions that secured the rule of law and enforced property rights offered individuals a strong incentive to work, save and invest in the long run. On the other hand, countries with extractive institutions which gave rise to concentration of power and constrained political freedoms suffered deep economic pain. Some have pointed to the authors’ lack of a substantial critique of the brutality of colonialism and of painting too rosy a picture of the development of western institutions. But the salience of their analysis remains.

The “institutions” that the laureates talk about as crucial to long-term economic prosperity are nothing but the various rules, which could be either explicit laws or implicit social norms that govern human interaction in society. Such institutions may also include laws that protect citizens from expropriation by the government. The rapid economic growth of China and India since their economic liberalisation in the late 1970s and the early 1990s, respectively, are good examples of countries prospering soon after a significant change in the nature of the institutions or the “rules of the game” that governed their economies. Structural reforms that further improve the quality of institutions are thus crucial if these economies are to achieve living standards similar to those of high-income developed countries in the West. Notably, the Nobel also comes at a time when existing institutions around the world are under the significant threat of being destabilised by personality-driven populist movements. It is worth noting that in their work, the Nobel laureates have classified democracy as an important “inclusive” institution that is good for long-term economic growth. However, the rise of illiberal democracies with protectionist economic policies in recent years shows that liberal institutions that work for the upliftment of the many and development not just for a few, are now under severe threat. A democracy driven by short-term populist policies can be as “extractive” as an autocracy that serves the interests of a narrow elite that is close to people in power.

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Title: ​ Battle of wits: On the Maharashtra and Jharkhand elections 

Assembly elections in Maharashtra and Jharkhand in November will, yet again, test the mettle of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Congress, and the respective regional parties, just weeks after the elections in Haryana and Jammu and Kashmir. By-elections in three Lok Sabha constituencies and 48 Assembly segments across States have also been announced. The political landscape in Maharashtra has been reshaped thoroughly since the 2019 election. The Shiv Sena and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) have split, with one faction each in alliance with the BJP and the Congress. The ruling Mahayuti, which the BJP is a part of, ended up with 17 of 48 seats in the 2024 general election, while the Maha Vikas Aghadi, of the Congress, the Uddhav Thackeray faction of the Sena and the Sharad Pawar faction of the NCP, won 29. Since then, the ruling alliance has taken several measures to gain more ground. Following the latest decision by the outgoing Eknath Shinde-led government hours before the election schedule was announced, a complete toll waiver for light motor vehicles was announced. Chastened by the Haryana election results, the Congress has toned down its hype in Maharashtra. It has appointed senior leaders to oversee the campaign in various regions of the State. In Maharashtra and Jharkhand, the BJP has had its strategy in place well in time, overseen by veterans who command authority.

The JMM-led ruling alliance in Jharkhand, which the Congress is a part of, and the Mahayuti are betting on women voters to ensure another term. Both governments have introduced cash dole schemes for women. In Jharkhand, the BJP campaign is built on corruption allegations against State Chief Minister Hemant Soren as well as demographic shifts which the party attributes to the alleged entry of people from Bangladesh. Mr. Soren accuses the BJP of misusing central investigating agencies to implicate him. He is dependent on tribal consolidation, but that alone is not sufficient. Nearly three-fourths of the State’s population are non-tribal, and the BJP’s focus is on consolidating the Hindus among them. The tribal population is shrinking, but linking this to Bangladesh while overlooking the issue of inter-State migration is a classic BJP playbook tactic. The consolidation of the Other Backward Classes, a strategy that worked in its favour in Haryana, is what the BJP is aiming for in Jharkhand and Maharashtra. The Congress and its regional allies are at risk of being overdependent on Marathas in Maharashtra and tribespeople in Jharkhand.

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